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Musicians from Africa, Asia and Latin America process sounds and sound forms with the principles of avant-garde, pop-avant-garde and Jamaican “bass culture”. You interact in networks with musicians worldwide and formulate self-confident post-colonial positions. However, the many parodies of exotic products and the thematic focus on violence and war also suggest that old dependencies continue to exist in the real market. An attempt at an overview: with empirical data from Lebanon and hearing impressions from other countries.
“The avant-garde no longer has the enlightenment claim of the 1960s. Today it is a joyful artistic reflection on the everyday life of an adventure society. " (Jauk 2009, 36)
Utopian (?) Intro
The old model of center and periphery is no longer even rudimentary. We live in a world of multiple, interwoven modernities (Eisenstadt 2000). The social and cultural sciences herald the end of the Eurocentric master narrative and declare the one-sided modernization theories of the 1950s and 1960s to be invalid (Shalini 2009). The same thing is suggested by new tracks, songs, sound montages and thunderstorms of noise from Asia, Africa and Latin America: Modernism and zeitgeist emerge polycentrically today in the exchange between the Global North and the Global South (Kolland 2010).
The accelerated processes of globalization and digitization have revolutionized music making on many levels. Musicians around the world are finding new ways to produce their music cheaply and to promote it globally more independently. Blog writers, DJs and curators - today's multipliers - are already discussing a large number of new genre names. World music, long ridiculed in the pop world and the club scene, sets trends today. It is now called Global Ghettotech, Ghettopop, Cosmopop, Worldtronica or simply World Music 2.0 - the world music of the interactive Internet platforms. M.I.A, the Tamil artist from London, is perhaps the spearhead of this development. Your soundtrack “Paper Planes” for the international hit film Slumdog Millionaire embodies a lot of what this music stands for. In its more modern world (Beck 2007), many old contradictions are repeatedly canceled: counterculture versus majority culture, activism versus fun - and also first world versus third world. In the video for the track “Born Free” - from the 2010 CD “Maya” - M.I.A stages the most radical violence as an activist by executing red-haired men - on behalf of prisoners in the civil war in Sri Lanka, as she claims. The acoustic horror trip mixes sirens, explosions, screams of panic, noise and the voice of M.I.A. With the electro-pop hymn “XXXO” (also on “Maya”) M.I.A then strives musically towards Popolymp. An exemplary example - we will see: World music 2.0 can no longer be forced into a corset, it is contradictory and ambiguous. It sounds like the chaos of the world, the hectic pace of everyday life, the anger about world politics and the economy, and the hope of securing an existence through music.
Utopian (?) Metaphors and real music styles
World music 2.0 is the product of spatiotemporal communication beyond territorial borders. It questions traditional notions of culture, identity and community and can also be read as a musique concrète committed to realism - or as an acoustic (and visual) seismograph of time: it is the music of global urbanization. The slums are growing faster today than the city centers - and this is exactly how the new version of world music is growing faster than world music 1.0, which was always designed for a western middle-class ear. The city of the future will not consist of glass and steel structures, as urbanists imagine, but rather of coarse brick, straw, recycled plastic, cement blocks and waste wood - this is what Mike Davis writes in his book "Planet der Slums" (Davis 2007) . World music 2.0 also recycles everything and impresses in its best moments with its directness, urgency and creativity. World music 2.0 is just as colorful as the virtual zeitgeist that is conveyed today in the media via blogs, network communities, music and video platforms. And it is as fleeting, unpredictable and flexible as life in the age of digital capitalism. This is increasingly geared towards short-term and elastic economic activity (Glotz 2001).
Stylistically it is extremely broad, world music 2.0: Commercially successful pop music styles such as reggaeton (Marshall, Rivera and Hernandez 2009) and Kwaito (Swartz 2008; Steingo 2005), electronics such as Kuduro (Siegert 2009), Nortec (Madrid 2008), Baile Funk ( Stöcker 2009; Lanz, Gese and Gaber 2008) and Cumbia Electrónica, as well as regional expressions of rap are at one end of the spectrum, Musique Concrète, free improvisation, bruitism (noise music) and sound art at the other. Despite the many differences, there are clear similarities between these musicians and musical styles, which are scattered around the world. Two hypotheses: 1. The musicians work with the experimental approaches of avant-garde, pop-avant-garde and Jamaican “bass culture”. They are thus (finally and clearly) forming a global, multi-local avant-garde of the 21st century. 2. On the one hand, they construct self-confident post-colonial positions, but on the other hand they also repeatedly appear trapped in the old post-colonial structures. This is particularly evident in their dialectical approach to exotic, violence and war.
A multi-local pop avant-garde
In today's European music debate, the term avant-garde is often equated with new music - with the serial approaches of composers such as Stockhausen and Boulez, but also with aleatoric movements around John Cage in the USA. The avant-garde term in an older and broader definition now fits the musicians of World Music 2.0 (Hegarty 2009; Jauk 2009; Faehnders and Van der Berg 2009). According to this, avant-garde artists seek a break with the respective dominant musical canon; they want to reposition music (and art) in society; and they cyclically redefine the role of music - sometimes music is a reflection of real life, sometimes a form of protest, then it relies on either shock therapy or irony, and finally it serves as an escape into imaginary worlds. Avant-gardism does not arise in different places at the same time, but they are always relative, tied to a certain place and a present time. A linear sequence, for example, from Futurism to Musique Concrète and Free Improvisation is therefore not possible. World music 2.0 today is first and foremost a multi-local avant-garde from the Euro-American point of view: It is remixing our music scenes and also transports new non-musical positions. Whether each individual track can pass as avant-garde in its context of origin must be checked on a case-by-case basis.
Avant-garde does not exclude the pop avant-garde. In a narrower sense, these are art poppers like John Lennon, Pete Townsend or Brian Ferry - graduates from art schools instead of conservatories (Jauk 2009, 73). In a broader sense, it also includes "non-academic" pop musicians: rock'n'roll, psychedelic rock, punk or herb rock - especially in the first experimental phases. However, the “black sound” was largely disregarded - and remains - according to the thesis of Dieter Lesage and Ina Wudtke in their essay “Black Sound - White Cube” (Lesage and Wudtke 2010). “Black Sound”, whether played by black or white musicians, focuses more on rhythms than on harmonics. It includes styles such as blues, reggae, calypso, hip hop, house, dubstep and grime and is still struggling to find a place in the art world alongside concerts and club nights - or to be perceived as pop avant-garde. World music 2.0 could also bring about changes here: The South African rapper JR aggressively calls for “Make The Circle Bigger” in his art-pop video; and the lesbian, trans- and homosexual bounce rappers from New Orleans (Fensterstock 2010) were devoted to an entire exhibition in their hometown in 2010.
Focus on Lebanon, Egypt, Palestine
Many of the musicians in World Music 2.0 work with musical design principles that we know from these Euro-American avant-gardes and pop avant-gardes. They grab every conceivable sound offer and process it sometimes with digital sampler software (the instrument of postmodernism), then with old reel-to-reel tape recorders, or they finally imitate them with acoustic instruments. They establish an art of everyday life: This includes the noises of their local environment and the technologized, post-industrial media world. The Beirut trumpeter Mazen Kerbaj imitates the sounds of war on his trumpet - he did this unconsciously for a long time, then the Austrian trumpeter Frantz Hautzinger remarked after a concert: “Your sounds sound like helicopters and bombs”. Kerbaj knows the Italian futurist Luigi Russolo and his manifesto “The Art of Noises” (Russolo 2005) from 1913 - but he is more influenced by the pioneers of free jazz and free improvised music, such as Peter Brötzmann and his album “Machine Gun - automatic gun for fast, continuous firing ". Similar to Russolo and the futuristic writers around Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Kerbaj and many of his colleagues also show a certain fascination for war. This is nourished, however, by nostalgic memories of the first 15 years of life in the civil war (Burkhalter 2007; 2011) - and not necessarily because, like the futurists, they regard war as a fascinating aesthetic and mythical phenomenon (Witt-Stahl 1999).
In the Lebanese city of Tripoli, Osman Arabi experiments in the footsteps of bruitism (noise music) with radical noise - and with psychedelic sounds. Unlike Kerbaj, Raed Yassin works with acoustic material from the Lebanese civil war. He mixes field recordings, media files with noises from double bass and voice to create sound collages - keyword montage or “bricolage” in European avant-garde jargon. Yassin reorganizes sound events with political connotations (propaganda songs, political speeches, pop music, etc.). Only non-Lebanese listeners can hear this montage as a purely acoustic, acousmatic Musique Concrète; for Lebanese people it is a form of protest - whether intended by the artist or not (Burkhalter 2011).
On the CDs of the Egyptian label 100copies, sound artists experiment with the sounds of Cairo and electro-acoustic music (Mahmoud Refat, Hassan Khan, Ramsi Lehner, Adham Hafez), and in Palestine rappers mix political texts with field recordings of checkpoints (e.g. Checkpoint 303). The music examples from Cairo seem closer to an acousmatic Musique Concrète, while the artists in Palestine make a more direct, activist claim - and thus perhaps closer to the field of soundscape composition. Basically, most of these musicians celebrate what scientists call postmodern aesthetics (Manuel 1995). They jump back and forth between materials from genres as diverse as rap and musique concrete. Some musicians clearly rely on the principle of chance (aleatoric): Charbel Haber from the post-punk group produces his recordings in an endless process between computer music and tape music. The band sends live recordings of jam sessions, manipulated guitar sounds and effects from the Reaktor software up to five times back and forth between a computer and a reel-to-reel tape recorder in order to end up with “those really deep and dirty sound textures that we love so much »(Burkhalter 2010b).
The project “The Untuned Piano Concerto” by the pianist Cynthia Zaven is based on a performance from New Delhi, for which she had an old, out of tune piano mounted on a truck and driven through the city with it. The result is an acoustic interaction between improvised piano passages, the honking of the cars and other street noises. Chance also reacts in this project. The project was created in an art context - that too is not unusual for the Beirut scene.
Many of these artists work in an interdisciplinary manner across the various art branches (keyword: Fluxus): Tashweesh mix rap and electronic music with acoustic and visual archive recordings from Palestine to make audio-visual short films.
Hassan Khan from Egypt has presented his multimedia works on sound, image and text at numerous exhibitions and festivals in the Middle East, Europe and the USA.1 Finally, Tarek Atoui works between live electronics and computer music. He creates acoustic landscapes full of breaks and contrasts on his laptop: a mix of glitch sounds (Prior 2008), samples of speeches from politicians, Chinese and Arab voices, sounds of war, pop and much more. His music is not a brainchild, it swings nimbly back and forth between the old worlds of serious and popular music. In his performances Atoui controls his laptop like a rock star controls his guitar (Burkhalter 2010a) - Werner Jauk sees this “hedonistic copy and paste” as typical of the pop avant-garde. (Jauk 2009, 67). Tarek Atoui lived in Paris for a few years and worked there, among other things, on projects with the IRCAM (Institut de Recherche et Coordination Acoustique / Musique) at the Center Pompidou. In contrast to this large avant-garde institution of the 20th century (and the electronic music studios in German and various European cities) Atoui and his colleagues work in small home studios. The exception are the “ruptured sessions” by journalist Ziad Nawfal on Radio Lebanon. Nawfal invites local musicians to long interviews in the studio and sometimes lets them record tracks.
Focus on the "Global South"
These examples of musicians from the Middle East could be supplemented by musicians from Indonesia (Wallach 2008), India, Mexico and other countries in the Global South. In African and Latin American cities in particular, musicians shuttled back and forth between counterculture and majority culture - they do this more than musicians in the Arab world, in which an "alternative" pop scene in addition to the extremely commercial pan-Arab pop music is still struggling to this day (Burkhalter 2010c ). These musicians seem to be influenced by the urgency and aggressiveness of various American and British club styles: from Detroit Ghettotech (Mueller 2007), Baltimore Club (Devereaux 2007) to Dubstep (Hürter 2008) and grime - but they shape these styles directly or indirectly also with yourself. The kwaito from the townships of South Africa, which after the end of apartheid in the nineties, the attitude to life of young black South Africans with slowed house beats, hints of local styles (Mbaqanga, Kwela, «Bubblegum») and aggressive-sounding chanting (in Zulu, Sotho and im Township slang tsotsitaal) has gotten to the point today - appropriated by the South African music and advertising industry - degenerated into polished commercial music. The trend was replaced by South African rap and house, or by Shangaan Electro from the townships of South Africa. Shangaan samples tricky marimba and organ melodies, short, repetitive vocal passages and organizes them into a constantly changing acoustic organism using restrained but extremely fast rhythms (around 180 BPM). The music sounds independent and new.
The Jagwa music from Dar e Salam also sounds experimental, but very local. Here confused and out of tune melodies sound from a cheap Casio keyboard over poly rhythms.
Many of the musicians in World Music 2.0 keep hearing the same accusations: They are artists, not musicians; they are elitist cosmopolitans who only know their context of origin from a privileged perspective; and they just copied musical styles and forms from the Global North. To dismiss all this music as copies would not do this music - and the musicians - justice. In a panel entitled "Local Experiments: Decentering the Global Avant-Garde" at the 2008 annual conference of the Society of Ethnomusicology in Middletown, Christopher Miller emphasized that musicians in Indonesia might not know John Cage, but still work with similar design principles. On the same panel, Andrew Mc Graw criticized the fact that we like to rashly coin experimental aesthetics on our Euro-American canon. The musicians in Beirut are well informed about the Euro-American avant-garde and pop avant-garde, but their musical expression is also shaped by their immediate acoustic environment: acoustic socialization during war, the local psychedelic rock music scene of the 1960s, and much more more. The standardized classical Arab art music and the “national” Lebanese music (a processing of local folklore for the large concert hall) serve these musicians at the same time as negative role models, from which they differentiate themselves for various reasons (Burkhalter 2007; 2010a). So these musicians don't just copy, they make music from their personal perspective and position.
In addition to the transnational zeitgeist in their specific musical niches, they are also influenced by the postmodern aesthetics of other art disciplines and by non-musical phenomena of the present. And: Defining this transnational zeitgeist in music and art only as «Western» is not legitimate. Avant-garde and pop-avant-garde in particular were always and decisively influenced by diaspora artists from Africa, Asia and Latin America (Fähnders and Van der Berg 2009, 264).
Confident post-colonial positions
Johannes Ismaiel-Wendt defines popular music per se as post-colonial music. He observes the persistence of representational “race” and “culture” discourses in pop music and evaluates them as a form of racism and post-colonialism (Wendt 2010). "References to places, regions, countries or nations or continents form a central system of order for popular music," he writes. A large part of world music 2.0 musicians would agree with him. Not another part: These musicians actively uncover “exotic” foreign representations of their home countries and stage them as a “colorful” game.
Most of the world music 2.0 musicians belong to the first camp. They are turning away from the persistent Euro-centrist focus on the “traditional” in their non-Western home countries. These musicians do not want to satisfy the preference for “cultural difference” of us Europeans, ethnomusicologists and music lovers - at least not at first hearing. They want to create personal musical identities that go beyond self-exoticization, commercialization and propaganda2.
Above all, the world music 2.0 musicians from Africa, Latin America and “diaspora” musicians in the USA and England ultimately mark a new variant of Afro-Futurism. The musician and producer Steve Goodman (alias Kode 9) (Goodman 2010) reads this Afro-Futurism as a cultural movement carried by Afro-Americans that emphasizes the importance of the Afro-American heritage (keyword “Black Atlantic” (Gilroy 1993)) and of the Jamaican bass culture (Bradley 2003) for the constitution of modernity. He describes how Afro-American artists in musical genres such as reggae, dub, dancehall, jazz, rap, and house created subcultural trends on the one hand and also shaped the Euro-American mainstream using "audio viruses" on the other - especially in the Deep structures of music and making music: with specific musical patterns (e.g. rhythm patterns), artistic approaches (e.g. improvisation) and techniques (e.g. sampling). Eric Davis (Davis 1996) argues similarly when, in his online essay “Roots and Wires”, he transfers the work of John Miller Chernoff (Chernoff 1979) on polyrhythmics in African music to British club music styles - to “The Hardcore Continuum” ( Reynolds 1999) by Ardcore (Hardcore Techno or Hardcover Rave) in 1990, Jungle, Drum'n'Bass, Garage, Two-Step, Grime, Dubstep and UK Funky. 3
These "audio viruses" infiltrate the mainstream without ingratiating themselves with exoticisms or orientalisms. The “science fiction” symbolism of “classic” Afro-Futurism has given way to stronger realism. The videos and texts by K'Naan seem as if this Somali-Canadian rapper wanted to overstrain our visual and auditory nerves: Somali pirates suddenly stand next to the cliché pirates from Walt Disney, lions and elephants next to Somali warriors and civil war recordings, the Beatles next to stars of African and Afro-American music history - Bob Marley or Fela Kuti. The fact that K’Naan produced the official Coca-Cola clip “Waving Flag” for the Soccer World Cup in South Africa only shows how successful and relaxed this new generation is between counterculture and majority culture
The third, so far smaller part of world music 2.0 musicians has rediscovered the charm of exotic and psychedelic sounds. Diaspora musicians from Africa and the Caribbean have been stirring up the London club scene for three years under the style label "UK Funky". They mix Afro beat, breakbeat, UK garage and Caribbean styles and confidently play with cultural stereotypes. “Play with my bongo, baby”, sings the background singer in the “Bongo Jam” video clip by Crazy Cousinz. In Fr3e's video “Tribal Skank”, Africans in bast skirts and cell phones perform wild couple dances with British businessmen and police officers. Successful UK funky tracks each come with their own specific dance style called skank. The choreography is taught in the public dance class video on YouTube.
From the point of view of post-colonial theorists - and also of many world music 2.0 musicians - this celebration of the exotic may seem astonishing, if not sobering. For many, the long tradition of searching for other exotic sounds and rhythms in Western music production has a negative connotation (Locke 2009): In the US of the 19th century, the black population was parodied by white singers and actors in so-called minstrel shows; in European music, composers such as Claude Debussy (in Java), Béla Bartok (in Hungary), Leos Janacek (in the Czech Republic) and many others experimented with folk music traditions; and in the genre world music (1.0), a repertoire category from the mid-1980s (Binas-Preisendörfer 2010), pop producers and musicians such as Peter Gabriel and Ry Cooder were inspired by the local music of "other" cultures. Since the mid-1980s at the latest, Indian and Pakistani musicians of the second generation of immigrants mixed sitar melodies and tabla rhythms with club beats in London. They stated that they did not portray their home countries in a folkloric way, but in a modern way (Hutnyk 1996; Burkhalter 2000). Often, however, they reproduced old stereotypes and celebrated an essentialist, multi-cultural hybridity: here Europe as a “modern” electronic basic beat (and basis), there Asia as a (pseudo) traditional ornament.
World music (1.0) wants to bring up intact musical forms and idioms to life, but then mixes sounds of the fully commercialized present with the pseudo-historical "patina of other times and places" (Erlmann 1995). Veit Erlmann defines the inter-cultural approach of World Music 1.0 using the term «pastiche» and means a special kind of parody in which the polemical or satirical accent is completely absent. Those world music 2.0 musicians who are new to the exotic have now replaced "pastiche" with parody - they act in a similar way to musicians from the pop avant-garde who have always shown themselves enthusiastic about the so-called "primitive" peoples (primitivism) and of their fetishes (Fähnders and Van der Berg 2009, 98; Toop 1999). The Beirut musicians are fascinated by the beatniks of the 1950s and 60s and the psychedelic rock music of the 1960s and 70s, as well as by the hit music of the 1950s. The beatniks and some of their forefathers (Paul Bowles, Alan Hovhaness, Jack Kerouac, William S. Burroughs, Allen Ginsberg, etc) and many psychedelic rock musicians were fascinated by literary and musical visions of Far East Asia, North Africa and the Middle East (Hieber 2009). The music was always created in the exchange between musicians from East and West: The Egyptian composer Halim al-Daph (* 1921) was in loose contact with the Beat generation. Today he is considered one of the first avant-garde composers in the Arab world (Seachrist 2003). And The Freak Scene is one of many US groups that have worked with exile butts. In 1967 she recorded the album "Hard Rock from the Middle East". At the same time, around 200 psychedelic rock bands were fighting for the audience's favor in Beirut - they formed a network of musicians, clubs and fans and thus created the ground on which Arab niche musicians can now work on their careers.
Today the musicians also look back on the tourism industry of the 1950s - with its Arab nightclubs in New York, Paris, Beirut and Cairo. The music in the night clubs "violated every boundary of authenticity" is written by Rasmussen (Rasmussen 1992). It is the obviousness and lightness of these artistic caricatures of the Orient that serve as a model for some of today's musicians. The Egyptian Omar Khorshid set hits such as La Cumparasito and La Paloma in the nightclubs of Beirut and Cairo. Critics call Khorshid the James Last of the Arab world. For many musicians, on the other hand, he is considered a genius: because of his surf guitar style and his virtuoso tremolos.
The Syrian scene of the “New Wave Dabké” sounds psychedelic today (Silverstein 2007). These dabké musicians control their synthesizers with small midi boxes. They generate the typical Arabic quarter-tone heights and imitate the shrill sound of the double-tube oboe Mijwiz, the traditional Dabké instrument par excellence (Rasmussen 1996). The scene has now found a fan base outside of its actually informal cassette and MP3 market - primarily thanks to a world tour by Syrian singer Omar Souleyman, organized in 2009 by the US indie label Sublime Frequences. Shortly before his death, the late BBC world music pioneer Charlie Gillett expressed almost indignation about a London concert by this singer. That is the worst wedding singer he has ever seen. One can say soberly: the old, clean and gentle world music is attacked and replaced by new, more uncomfortable sounds.5 Soon, other local pop styles will perhaps also be discovered by the international world music 2.0 community: Arabesk from Turkey (Stokes 2000), jil from North Africa, or turbo folk from Ex Yugoslavia - whether as exotic mayflies or more remains to be seen.
Old power structures and problem areas
This is already indicated. The vision of a world of multiple moderns still has its cracks. World music 2.0 still arises in the exchange between the metropolises of the south and the centers of the north - and hardly ever between the different centers of Africa, Asia and Latin America. Even today, DJs and producers (DJ Rupture, Ghislain Poirier, Diplo, Richard Russell, etc.), labels (Mad Decent, Man Recordings, Dubsided, XL Recordings, Outhere Records) remain organizers (Secousse, Favela Chic, Beat Research, etc.) ), Cultural sponsors and media workers from the USA and Europe are their most important sponsors. The subject of economic exploitation is not off the table. Diplo, one of the producers of M.I.A., has discovered the loud, drum computer-based baile funk from the favela of Rio de Janeiro for the world. On his CDs, mixtapes and documentaries (“Favela on Blast”, “Favela Strikes Back”), however, a list of the artists is often missing (Scruggs 2010). Making music without copyright restrictions promotes exchange and creativity: This often-heard argument is only true when the artists from the north and south meet at eye level - when, for example, Schlachthofbronx from Munich, Spoek Mathambo and Gnucci Banana from South Africa and their label Man Recordings their track "Ayoba" officially released: We can now find over 100 remixes of the track on the Soundcloud platform. A contemporary strategy for success.
"At the beginning of the new century it is hardly possible to discern what should be understood as a cultural resistance strategy and what was conceived as a commercial calculation in marketing departments of the entertainment industry," writes Susanne Binas-Preisend (Binas-Preisendörfer 2010, 81). In the case of world music 2.0, these are often not necessarily marketing departments, but rather musicians who try to advance their own careers using strategies. From this perspective, the new focus on exotic products can be understood as a strategic essentialism: The obscure, ironic and exotic benefit disproportionately from the avalanche effect of virtual word of mouth on platforms such as Facebook. The South African art-pop collective Die Antwoord plays with the stereotype of the primitive, beer-drinking white South African. What the band wants to say remains open - especially since they avoid talking publicly and seriously about their motivation. The problem with irony and parody: It is only understood by insiders, but in the free market it quickly mutates into a bizarre culture of fun
The trend towards staging war and violence provokes similar questions. M.I.A. and Mazen Kerbaj are two of many examples: the Jamaican singer Terry Lynn, for example, portrays herself on her CD “Kingstonlogic 2.0” as a proud slum inhabitant with a gun in her hand. She raps over deep sub-basses, gun shots and abstract beats.
In the Kuduro video clips from Luanda, recorded with cell phones, scantily clad women dance with young men who lost a leg in the Angolan civil war. The kuduro rattling out of a parked minibus is considered to be the first ever purely electronically produced music in Africa. However, this cheaply produced music finds it difficult to meet the aesthetic and production-related tastes of the transnational world market - so it is not that democratic either, world music 2.0.
The credibility of M.I.A is now being questioned: The daughter-in-law of Warner Music CEO Edgar Bronfman is said to only use provocation as a means to an end in order to finally establish herself in the mainstream. Mazen Kerbaj admits in interviews: He told a German journalist for the first time about his assumption that his war memories shape his music today. Was he trying to get rid of all the constant questions about where the local is hidden in his music? Was it just a clever move to establish yourself as a unique voice in the worldwide field of free improvised music? Or was that more? It is difficult to make a judgment. From an international perspective, musicians like Kerbaj have replaced the exotic element of World Music 1.0 (oriental music) with a new exotic element, war. In Lebanon, on the other hand, Kerbaj breaks a taboo by publicly discussing the Lebanese civil war. And he processes traumatic experiences (Burkhalter 2011).
World music 2.0 is a theoretical construct. The term indicates two things: Firstly, world music 2.0 uses the possibilities of the increasing digitalized music market for a freer and more diverse production of music, and secondly, world music 2.0 is still a variant of world music 1.0. It has not yet completely emancipated itself from Eurocentric claims - also because the donors often come from Europe. The music is either sold to curated events (world music festivals, thematic exhibitions) about exotic, fun and war. Or it acts in its respective transnational niche cultures and remains there free improvisation, electroacoustic music or post-punk. Serving both markets is no less the goal of these musicians.
The trend from world music 1.0 to world music 2.0 is, however, a leap from inter-cultural to trans-cultural or even hyper-cultural and super-cultural forms of music. In the mode of interculturality, two musical traditions (or styles) of different geographical origins are merged in such a way that the respective traditions (or their clichéd ideas about them) remain largely unchanged (example Asian Underground) (Welsch 1994; Rosengren 2010). In the other modes, culture is no longer seen as a closed system. Depending on the mode, cultural references and principles remain stronger (trans-cultural mode), less strong (hyper-cultural mode) (Welsch 1994; Byung-Chul 2005) or no longer audible at all (super-cultural mode (Lull 2000; 2002) ). The different modes often overlap within a single piece of music
Veit Erlmann suggests examining world music (1.0) according to the way in which the history of a cultural, socio-political context is inscribed in the music (or in the product) itself (Erlmann 1995, 10). This approach also makes sense for World Music 2.0 - however, one cultural mode must not be rated over the other. It is also important to take a close look at the social, economic and political realities in which a musician lives and grew up8 - and who ultimately benefits from world music 2.0: the musician, the DJ, the blog writer, the label owner, or the curator.
Real borders of the nation state
On the first Friday of every month, a naturalization office is set up in the Exil Club in Zurich. An actress sits in the simple wooden box. She types in the applicants' applications for citizenship in the fictional Democratic Republic of Tam Tam using the two-finger system on an old typewriter. What the Motherland club series is staging here is indeed a game, and yet a serious reference to the central magnitude of the present: the border between the nation state and the global field (Derrida 2005). Sounds and sound forms may roam around the world, but national and political borders are still binding for musicians. In the visa and passport office it is decided whether an artist from Africa, Asia or Latin America can also physically participate in the globally networked world music 2.0 scene - or whether he remains just a supplier of sound samples.
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